It's Black History Month in the United Kingdom, and it feels like it’s time for a re-evaluation. Throughout its history, an celebration that started out as a celebration and reminder of history, culture and the connections between international African diaspora communities, has taken on a corporate feel, growing to encompass functions where African descendants are paid to talk to Caucasian groups about “unconscious bias” and supportive partnership. The 2020s Black Lives Matter protests created a surge in the business of showcasing anti-racist commitment. However, that period has concluded. The surge has crested, producing a diluted aftermath of what promoting consciousness is for.
First commemorated in the America and its northern neighbor, Black History Month was created in 1962 as a week dedicated to Negro history by historian of African descent Carter G. Woodson with seven days of remembrance and recognition in the middle of February. Black History Month grew out of this initiative and was officially launched in 1970. Today it is observed not only in the US and Canada in February, but also in autumn in the Britain, Germany, Éire and the the Kingdom of the Netherlands.
The observance has transformed since those days, placing less emphasis on the narratives of the slave trade across the Atlantic and civil rights battles, and more on prominent Black figures in government, the arts, and social movements, and extensively acknowledging the impact Black people have made to influence the nation. It is in educational institutions where Black History Month is most regularly observed, with lectures and artistic activities. But the method the month is observed is a reflection of the contemporary political context. How it develops is a instructive case in how appropriation leads to dismantling: the restructuring of Black History Month has stymied the point of it, which is to confront embedded and established prejudice.
Hardly anything shows how critical it is to reconsider Black History Month as much as the current time in which it takes place this year. In the Britain, a reemerging right-wing in the form of the Reform party is top in opinion ratings. In the warmer months we observed the most significant ultra-conservative gathering in the UK's past. the Conservative leader, the African descendant in charge of the Tory party, is a strong critic of Black Lives Matter, and we are in a situation where a member of parliament feels empowered to declare that a lack of white people in specific city neighborhoods is a cause for alarm. Meanwhile, ultra-nationalist movements are surging in the European continent as a complete entity.
In the US, a massive attack against inclusion programs and preferential policies has been carried, repeatedly with positive outcomes, to the highest courts of the state. A drive to erase the history of people of color and narrative from the records is under way. One of Donald Trump's early administrative commands aimed at the National Museum of African American History and Culture, and the renowned cultural organization, alleging that they of a “concerted and widespread effort to change the national past” by depicting the United States “as naturally discriminatory”.
In this context, the observance represents how little it can be effective if it is restricted to either obligatory business commemorations, or politically neutered festivities of former accomplishments, rather than addressing the conditions of the present. It also reveals how its limited duration means that it is disconnected from the more extensive continuous action that is necessary. An academic expert, a professor at a learning establishment, expressed it perfectly when she voiced worries about the temporary “tokenism” of the observance. “The problem with taking a tokenistic approach”, she wrote, “is that it often means that Black History Month turns into a fleeting performance rather than a agent of progress.”
Figuring out how to adjust, modify and expand efforts for racial equality and recognition in such periods of dismay and anxiety is a difficult task. There is a inclination to just do away with things like Black History Month entirely, thinking they are no longer suitable, or are vestiges of an era that has been ineffective.
However, regardless of the situation, Black History Month, and in fact the whole broad system and legacy of activism for racial justice – community-based BLM initiatives, inclusion and equity efforts, and indeed, including corporate presentations – form an infrastructure that a lot of work has been dedicated to. It is there not merely to decline as the politics moves on (and in fact, regresses), but to be a dynamic entity.
So what would a contemporary active Black History Month appear as? Firstly, it would be not just one concentrated month: something that is dispersed across all seasons (as certain organizations are already beginning to do), parts of its content (particularly around prominent figures of color) included in school curriculums. It would also be a time that does not shy away from governmental matters, and allows opportunity for individuals, particularly the younger generation, to express their concerns and stories. What value has simple recognition of the past when it doesn’t reckon with the contemporary truth of far-right rallies in the public spaces? Organizations who celebrate it should not be pacified with the neutral terminology of “unconscious bias” and awareness of subtle slights, but challenged by the dangers that affect everyone if anti-racism is not approached earnestly. In short, Black History Month should be made up-to-date, critical, and adaptive. It could be that an total re-identification is in order – Contemporary Black History Month.
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